On December 18 Georgian President Salome Zurabishvili addressed the European Parliament.

Here is her statement in full:

"Thank you all for giving me the opportunity to speak here during this critical time for Georgia and to testify about the situation in my country. I also want to extend my gratitude to the delegation of European Parliamentarians who visited Georgia a few days ago; their presence is incredibly important at this moment.

• This is a crucial time because, at certain moments, it feels as though we are back in 1921, as though history is repeating itself. This is likely what explains the courage and determination with which the Georgian people are responding to what they perceive as the loss of their freedom, future, and in a sense, their independence - despite the fact that, formally, this may not be the case.

People have been on the streets for 21 days, participating in a remarkable movement that started at night and later expanded into the daytime, involving many different segments of the population. This movement now includes nearly all of Georgian society. But to be honest, this is not just about the past 21 days. These protests began immediately after the elections, and were sparked again this spring when the Russian law was reintroduced for the second time. The protests also began when the Russian law was introduced for the first time last spring.

Protest has been a defining characteristic of Georgia whenever people have felt a threat to their freedom, European values, or independence. There has never been a massive protest in Georgia about social conditions - though there are many reasons to protest, as the situation is far from satisfactory. The only time people take to the streets in mass protests is when they believe their very existence is at stake, and that is exactly the case today.

This movement is peaceful, a large-scale civil disobedience campaign that is asking for just two things: "Give me my voice back” (because of the stolen elections) and "Give me my future and my European future back" (that is the request for the new elections). [applause]. This is not a revolutionary movement in the traditional sense because it does not call for the removal of specific individuals from power. It is a call to return to free and fair elections and to see, in a democratic way through the ballot, the will of the people of Georgia today - something they are trying to express on the streets.

And there are no two sides in Georgia. There has been an attempt to portray a divided country, suggesting we are heading toward civil confrontation. But there are no two parts - there is the Georgian people on one side and the repressive apparatus of a single party on the other side. That is all. To emphasize this point further: despite the ruling party having taken a clear pro-Russian stance at times, they still pretend that they will somehow return to Europe. Why is that? Because even among their closest supporters, people want the European path. 80-90% of the Georgian population has consistently expressed this desire in every opinion poll and election since independence. Therefore, the leaders of the Georgian Dream, if they want any part of the "dream" to remain, must continue to uphold this hope.

This issue began before the elections, with what, in hindsight, may have been the first sign of the Georgian Dream's Russian orientation. This started back in 2019, with the Gavrilov incident, which you may remember, when a Russian figure was invited to assume the position of the Chairman of the Georgian Parliament. It seemed like an isolated incident, but then COVID-19 hit, and it was largely forgotten. But then came the rejection of the Charles Michel agreement, a much clearer sign of a shift away from the reforms the European Union had requested and a movement in a different direction. In February 2022, with the outbreak of the war in Ukraine, on February 25 (the day after Russia's aggression began), the Prime Minister visited Georgia's 1921 Russian occupation monument and declared, "Georgia does not intend to engage in financial and economic sanctions. This decision is based solely on our national interest." At that time, no sanctions had been imposed yet (laughs).

Then, in 2023, we saw the first Russian law, the reintroduction of Russian flights, and the growing Russian rhetoric about Ukraine: the Prime Minister even accused NATO of provoking or prolonging the war, if not starting it. In 2024, we saw the second Russian law, and the rhetoric reached new heights with a speech by Georgia’s leader, Mr. Ivanishvili, who talked about a "Global war party" and blamed our European and Western partners for almost everything. Meanwhile, behind these anti-Western and Russian narratives, there has been an undercurrent of LGBT-related rhetoric, with accusations that Europe and America are threatening our identity, our national values, and so on - rhetoric that many of you may have heard in another country to the north of Georgia.

The construction of a Russian-style state is progressing gradually but definitively. All institutions are falling under the control of a single party - the parliament, the government, the central electoral commission, the central bank, the anti-corruption office, and even the pension fund, which has been reformed. Most notably, the justice system is entirely under control, from the lower courts all the way to the constitutional court. This leads us to what can only be called "Russian" elections - though the term "Russian" is in quotes, because these elections are systematically rigged, highly sophisticated, and far more advanced than typical fraud. This is not the usual kind of electoral fraud one might expect; it was meticulously planned. The changes to the electoral code began much earlier, ensuring full control of the central electoral commission by those appointed by the head of the commission, who himself was not chosen according to the guidelines proposed by the European Union, but was instead appointed for a term of four to five years.

The electronic voting system was also designed in a specific way, lacking essential controls such as fingerprint or facial recognition. Call centers, which had previously been denounced by the Georgian Dream party for using the pensions of European elderly citizens in their investigations, were utilized again during the elections - 3,500 such centers.

Administrative resources were heavily mobilized, with intimidation tactics used on the public sector long before the elections.

The propaganda, Russian-style, was pervasive both before and during the elections. There were posters, which you may have seen, comparing the destruction of cathedrals and theaters in Ukraine with the supposed "blooming" of Georgia. These posters shocked the Georgian public to such an extent that they had to be withdrawn, as they did not reflect Georgia’s values and character, but were clearly influenced by Russian imagery. Videos of a similar nature and hate speech were widespread, and the ruling party repeatedly accused opposition parties of plotting to overthrow the government. They claimed the opposition leaders would be arrested and their parties abolished after the elections.

Massive amounts of black money were used, with around 600 million Georgian Laris (approximately 200 million US dollars) being exchanged in October alone to cover the illicit funds spent during those two months.

On election day, there was an absence of police presence. I personally witnessed violence in some districts and at voting stations, and when I attempted to contact the Minister of Internal Affairs, I could not reach him - neither by mobile phone nor through the government network, and neither could I reach his deputy. To this day, I have not received a return call.

There was no court to address the irregularities and appeals that were filed, except for one highly publicized case, which demonstrated the lack of confidentiality in the electronic voting system. However, the judge who courageously upheld this case was not supported by the Court of Appeals, and none of the other appeals were ever recognized.

• Two fundamental principles were violated during these elections, and these violations are enough to demonstrate that any result would have been completely different.

One principle that was violated was universality. Georgia's diaspora, which includes over a million members, was highly mobilized, especially in Strasbourg - an important case, as it was here that the opening of a voting station was denied. Despite Strasbourg being home to many Georgians, and meeting all the necessary criteria for opening a voting station, the request was refused. Of the more than one million diaspora members, only 34,000 voted, despite their strong engagement, as they knew that these elections were about a choice between Europe and Russia.

The second violation was the principle of confidentiality, due to the way the electronic voting system was implemented. Party cameras were positioned over the voting machines, and the election commission members were all appointed by the head of the Central Electoral Commission. These issues were raised in the Constitutional Court, despite concerns about its independence. Our hope was that the court might recognize that the results were rigged and take steps to facilitate a step out of constitutional crisis, a constitutional path toward new elections, but unfortunately, that hope was not realized.

Additionally, a group of Georgian citizens has appealed to the Strasbourg court, seeking to explore all legal avenues to resolve this crisis and reach a political solution.

Even more concerning, after the elections, we are witnessing a rapid shift towards a Russian-style governance model. Not only were constitutional violations evident during and after the elections, but the first session of Parliament, which can only be called by me, the President, was instead called by the Chairman of Parliament, who was neither the Chairman at the time nor recognized by the Constitution. This rushed session occurred without waiting for the Constitutional Court to review the issues raised, further undermining the Constitution.

• On November 28, a declaration was made that we consider to be a declaration of war. It claimed that the Prime Minister lacked legitimacy, as these elections were deeply contested, and he had no mandate to suspend Georgia’s Euro-Atlantic integration. The Constitution explicitly states that all institutions should prioritize the acceleration of this process. The Prime Minister, who had contributed to drafting this Constitution, is now defying it by suspending negotiations without any real mandate.

At this point, Georgia is under complete control of a single-party or one-man rule, and it is becoming increasingly difficult to distinguish between the two. What remains outside of this control are the opposition media, which are in dire financial straits, likely due to orchestrated pressure; non-governmental organizations (NGOs), which are under constant threat, particularly with the introduction of the Russian law and its anticipated implementation; and the presidency - after two impeachment attempts, I will lose my security protection in just a week’s time. Alongside this, a hate campaign has been launched against me, with accusations from small political groups and promises of retribution after the elections. Many leaders of opposition parties have been arrested and released, and the ruling government has made it clear that they plan to abolish certain parties, particularly the National Movement. But all of us, including those who support the National Movement, are labeled as “fascists,” or “liberal fascists.”

What remains is civil society, which has been subjected to severe repression. You have witnessed the scenes of intimidation, and new laws are being hastily adopted under the radar, while people are on the streets, unaware of what is happening in Parliament. One such law allows for preventive arrests under Orwellian conditions, while another undermines the public service system, destroying years of effort to create a European standard of impartiality and professionalism. This new rule means that public servants can be dismissed without protection, and promotions can be made arbitrarily, leading to complete politicization of the public service. This is yet another tool for intimidating those who have protested - such as those in the foreign ministry, justice ministry, and education ministry - who are now under constant surveillance and at risk of arbitrary retaliation.

Another form of Russification is the propagation of lies. We have already witnessed these lies with the reintroduction of the Russian law after it was promised never to be revived. Now, we see the same pattern in official statements, particularly regarding positions taken by other countries in the Council of Foreign Affairs. These statements are later rectified, but the rectifications are never broadcast by public broadcaster or government-controlled media, ensuring that those supporting the ruling party remain unaware that their government is lying and insulting its international partners.

• In conclusion, this is no longer about mere politics, polarization, or an overextended government. It’s a radical shift towards a new path that was presented to voters during the elections - a choice that affects the very future of Georgia. We must be clear: Georgians will not stop until they achieve free and fair elections, as this is the only democratic way out of this crisis. [Applause]

But this is not just about Georgia. It is about Europe. Above all, it is about you.

First and foremost, it is about Europe’s credibility. A country that has just been granted candidate status cannot be allowed to trample on democratic norms and principles after rejecting or ignoring the European Union’s 12 and 9 recommendations. Europe cannot afford to be humiliated in the face of its own core values.

Then, it’s about Europe’s strategic interests. Georgia has always been, and will continue to be, the West’s and Europe’s foothold in the region - one that Russia is determined to undermine. Russia harkens back to its imperial past, where generals once claimed that whoever controls Tbilisi controls the Caucasus, and for Russia, that remains unchanged. If Georgia falls under Russian influence - not through military intervention, but through electoral and constitutional manipulation - the stakes are enormous. This impacts Black Sea security, connectivity to Central and Southern Asia, and Armenia’s European future.

So, this is much more than just Georgia, its democracy, or its political choices.

Georgia is a part of Europe’s broader global struggle against Russia. After Russia’s setbacks in Syria, should it succeed in Georgia? After failing to impose its will in Ukraine, should it prevail in Georgia? After failing in Moldova, should it win in Georgia? And after its failure in Romania, I hope soon to see it again, should it win in Georgia? [Applause]

These are the crucial questions, because Russia is testing a much less costly form of intervention - one that uses proxies and our own democratic instruments – elections - to impose its rule and strength.

If we are honest, Europe has not yet fully lived up to the moment. So far, it has met the challenge halfway. The recent Foreign Affairs Council was a first step, but much more can and should be done. I won’t go into specifics, as that is your decision, but you know where Georgians have been fighting tirelessly, while Europe has been slow to react. As European flags are banned in Tbilisi, Georgians are still waiting for meaningful measures from Brussels and Washington. I hope we will not have to wait for a deeper crisis to force Europe into action.

How can Europe act?

First, through political support. We need constant political attention at the highest levels, and I thank the President for emphasizing this. Georgians must know they are not alone, that Europe has their back. This is what the European Parliament and its members did by visiting Tbilisi. This was Emmanuel Macron’s strong message, but more is needed. We need more visits to Georgia, but these should not be business-as-usual. As you know from experience with Russia, such visits can easily be manipulated for propaganda purposes. Therefore, these visits should be carefully controlled in terms of public relations, ensuring they serve the right purpose. We must fight lies and disinformation, a battle we have been advocating for months.

Can Europe accept being labeled a party of war? Can Europe tolerate the insult of its ambassadors being targeted in Georgia? Can Europe allow the Georgian government to claim it is moving towards Europe while, at the same time, the Georgian Prime Minister blatantly lies about the positions of Italy, Spain, and Romania?

The second way Europe can act is through justice - this is what Europe stands for.

We need to swiftly release the hundreds imprisoned under unjust sentences, some as long as nine years. There should be closer monitoring of trials, as some European ambassadors observed recently and were deeply impressed. More visits like this would help assess how the judiciary operates. We must free those unjustly imprisoned and hold accountable those responsible for acts of torture.

New elections also represent the only peaceful way forward, and Europe must support this call. There is no alternative. No changes to the law, no face-saving measures - those authorities, with their Russian-style approach, have mastered the art of taking one step forward and two steps back, or vice versa. They have been practicing this with great success.

We must be clear and principled, as will be the Georgian people. We must go to elections or face an uncertain crisis that will leave you dealing with even worse conditions.

You must use your leverage and act as geopolitical Europe. Europe is Georgia’s biggest donor, its largest market, and home to its biggest diaspora. Europe needs to leverage its power. If Europe cannot exert influence over a country of just 3.7 million people, how can it expect to compete with the giants of the 21st century? Europe has personal influence as well - it is the preferred destination for Georgia’s corrupt elite. While they import post-Soviet Russian governance to Georgia, they are eager to save and spend their money in Europe. They want Russian-style corruption for Georgians, but Europe for themselves.

There are many ways Europe can stand by Georgia. Georgia will win this fight; it will defend its freedom, democracy, and European future. While I do not wish to make comparisons to the bravery and tragedy of Ukraine, Georgia is, in its own way, fighting for its freedom, democracy, and its European future, which is also tied to yours. Like Ukraine, Georgia must be supported to the very end. Though not militarily, we are fighting with our bare hands in a different, but no less critical, manner - this struggle has profound implications for our shared future.

• The question I ask is simple: Will you accelerate the transition, or will you let it drag on through the winter?
• Georgians will not waver, but they expect Europe to step up so we can defend Europe and its values together.

Thank you very much!".